Literature
Today marks another milestone in Nigeria?s bumpy democratic journey as Goodluck Jonathan is being inaugurated at the Eagle Square, Abuja, as the country?s president for the next four years. The occasion is one of the grandest celebrations in recent times with about 40 heads of state and government in attendance. The activities organized for the event, which include traditional dances, callisthenic displays, arts exhibition and lectures are said to have cost a whopping sum of N500 million.
One of the lectures, with the theme, ?Consolidating Democracy for National Transformation,? aptly captures the spirit of the time. The event is indeed more than just a celebration of Jonathan?s beginning of a four-year tenure. It is a celebration of democracy, a commemoration of a people?s hope for a better tomorrow. It is also a time to reflect on the gains and pains of the past 50 years of nationhood.
It would be recalled that in 1960 when Nigeria gained her independence from the British colonial rule, it was the third most populous English speaking democratic nation in the world ? after India and the United States. She was also regarded globally as one of the most viable African states, and a hope for democracy on the African continent. But, unfortunately, the first steps of the journey were characterised by ethnic and regional acrimony, which culminated into perennial conflicts. Consequently, the military struck on January 15, 1966, thereby halting the nascent democracy. This was followed by the unfortunate civil war that claimed nearly two million lives. Another democratic exercise, which began in 1979, was in the same vein killed by a military coup on 31st December, 1983. Then, on May 29, 1999, the military again handed over power to a democratically elected government.
If one considers the fact that during the 33-year period from 1966 until the fourth republic came into being in 1999, civilians governed for only four years, one cannot but agree that the journey this time around is not too bad. Of course, the past epileptic democratic experience has created enormous challenges to institutionalizing real democracy in this fourth republic, but the gains we?ve recorded so far are undeniable. There has been relative improvement in the human rights situation, such as freedom of the press and civil society advocates. The National Assembly and the judiciary are also beginning to play more active roles and becoming more effective in asserting their constitutional prerogatives. This could be seen in the way the Supreme Court and the Federal Courts of Appeal courageously ruled against some incumbent governors who rigged themselves into office and restored the seats to the rightful winners of the elections. The May 2006 defeat by the National Assembly of the third term initiative of former President Olusegun Obasajo was equally a strong statement on the growing boldness of the legislative arm to exert its power.
On the economic scene, the country?s international financial reputation has significantly improved as a result of its agreement with the Paris Club. In exchange for a payment of $12.4 billion, the Paris Club countries agreed to forgive the $18 million remainder of the $30 billion debt owed by Nigeria. And upon completion of its payment in April 2006, the country became completely free from the notorious Paris Club debt. The country still owes about $5 billion to other lenders, including the World Bank and the private sector, but the clearing of the Paris Club debt has resulted in her being taken off the international credit blacklist and is able to borrow on favourable terms again.
Another notable democratic gain we?ve had since 1999 include the introduction of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) in 2003. Though widely accused of being used by Obasanjo to settle political scores, the first chairman of the commission, Malam Nuhu Ribadu, did move the anti-corruption agenda forward, forcing dormant agencies like the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) and the Code of Conduct Bureau to reform in order to be relevant. The arrest of personalities like the Inspector General of Police and the impeached governor of Bayelsa State in 2005, and the recovery of over $5 billion and conviction of 82 persons over a period of just two years gave the commission some level of credibility in spite of the allegations of selective justice. The commission, now under the leadership of Mrs. Farida Waziri, is still trying its best to rid the country of corruption.
In view of these and other achievements, one could say Nigeria has made some important strides. However, some of the prevailing realities also point to the fact that these strides could be hampered or even reversed if appropriate actions are not taken. The ugly realities include the persistent ethnic and religious grievances largely fired by elite manipulation, poverty amid massive oil revenues, corruption and growing public frustration over the lack of democracy dividends like employment, health care, power, water and education.
According to political analysts, authoritarian rule by an institutionalized oligarchy constitutes the main structural obstacle to deepening democratic rule in Nigeria. This exclusive rule by a few is said to be founded on two reinforcing structural factors: total economic dependence on the redistribution of petroleum and gas revenues, and the centralization of financial and political power in the office of the president. In other words, the formal and informal powers converge on the office of the president who largely monopolizes oil revenues to reward and cement his political networks. Like the president, the state governors also utilize their influence in directing the flow of federal resources, with most of them running their states like private fiefdoms.
At times the system is worse than oligarchy because it is not only a rule by a few individuals, but the few who are always struggling to perpetuate themselves in power without regard to due democratic process, thereby undermining popular democracy, the rule of law, federalism, devolution of powers, and good governance. The need to hold or have access to the presidency becomes a do or die affair in which all forms of manipulation are deployed to meet the selfish end.
Related to this is the wanton abuse of power by the so-called democratic leaders. A glaring example is Obasanjo?s response to complaints that his personal control of the Ministry of Petroleum Resources as the president was undemocratic and illegal. Hear him: ?It is therefore within my constitutional powers to choose not to establish the office of the Minister of Petroleum Resources and directly exercise executive control over petroleum matters. It is immaterial that the office of Minister of Petroleum Resources is provided for in the Petroleum Act as the provisions of the Constitution take precedence over that of an existing law in the event of a conflict.?
Everyone knew that the conflict he was referring to existed only in his imagination, a mere pretext to cover the actual selfish intent. President Jonathan also exhibited the same tendency as soon as he became Acting President following the ill-health of late Umaru Musa Ya?Adua. He directed the Ministry of Finance to transfer N19 billion intervention funds for the dredging of the River Niger to the Ministry of Niger Delta for shoreline protection and land reclamation. And in response to questions by the press, his media aide simply said, ?These areas have to be well protected and land adequately reclaimed, then we can now go into the area of dredging...?
Why was such measure not suggested to Yar?Adua when the decision on the dredging of the river was being taken?
It all boils down to the fact that there?s too much power at the disposal of the presidency and every president tends to use it excessively. According to political observers, such arbitrary and undemocratic actions, including insensitivity to the plight of the masses, have created a yawning gap between the rulers and the ruled, leading to a general dissatisfaction and cynicism regarding governance.
As manifested in the recent post-election violence in some parts of the North, there are also growing sentiments of injustice fueled by attempts by the political class to manipulate themselves into political positions or capitalize on ethno-religious rivalries to achieve their goals. This has become a very serious problem in our quest for democracy. Stressing this point, the Executive Director of the Centre for Peace Building and Socio-Economic Resources Development, Ayokunle Fagbemi, who said some 10,000 people had died in Nigeria since the return of democratic rule in 1999, observed that ?These acts of violence clearly and adversely affect the image of our nation and also undermine its corporate existence as well as the consolidation of our emergent democracy.?
Added to these political problems arising from undemocratic behaviours of the ruling clique is corruption, which has become the order of the day in spite of efforts by ant-corruption agencies like the EFCC and ICPC. In fact, the endemic corruption is said to be rooted in the nature of our politics, where political elites misappropriate considerable amount of public funds for their personal gain with impunity, while the masses wallow in abject poverty.
If the wealth of the nation were equitably distributed Nigerians would have been fairly comfortable and the World Bank wouldn?t have ranked us among the world?s poorest countries, with the vast majority of the population living on less than $2 per day. This is because, according to records, as at 2006, Nigeria had taken in over $400 billion in oil revenues since the early 1970s, with an estimated $45 billion in oil export receipts for 2005 alone. Today, the country?s crude oil reserves is the tenth largest in the world, with oil and natural gas revenues alone accounting for 95 percent of state revenue, over 40 percent of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP), and 96 percent of the value of exports.
Unfortunately, this huge wealth end up in the pockets of a select few at the corridors power, who become extraordinarily rich while about three-quarters of the Nigerian population go hungry for the basic necessities of life. According to statistics, poverty has increased since the late 1990s. Over 70 per cent of Nigerians are classified as poor, and 35 per cent of them live in absolute poverty. The poverty is said to be especially severe in rural areas, where up to 80 per cent of the population live below the poverty line and social services and infrastructure are limited.
It is sad to note that some of the corrupt practices are institutionalized and given legal backing; such as the jumbo pay of the National Assembly members where a member earns an average of one million naira a day in salary and allowances. Another glaring instance of a legally backed wasteful spending is the celebration of the 50th independence anniversary with a whopping sum of N10 billion. A breakdown of the N10 billion include N950 million for the anniversary parade involving march past, fleet review and aerial display, N350 million naira on national unity torch and tour, N40 million on a presidential banquet, N50 million for calisthenics performance, N310m for cultural, historical and military exhibitions while N40 million went for what the government called ?Food Week.? Another N450 million naira was used to finance the production of branded souvenir, gift items for foreign heads of state and personalities and the placing of a large coat of arms on Aso Rock.
As a result of this financial recklessness, the country?s excess crude account which stood at $20 billion in January 2009 has as at 2010 been depleted to a paltry $3.2 billion, representing a rate of withdrawal of some $1.12 billion per month.
Meanwhile the allocation of resources to the local governments where the masses actually reside is carried out in a way that only a small amount actually get to the rightful destination. Due to the fact that the main source of revenue for local governments comes from the Federation Account, with state government contributing an additional 10 percent, the governors control the local governments through their discretion over the flow of funding. Instead of disbursing the quarter of the Federation Account revenues usually earmarked for the 774 local governments nationwide through the governors? office, some governors often withhold these funds or deducted them for dubious development projects. And when the remaining meager amount finally arrives at the local government councils, some chairmen and their council members and local bureaucrats, misappropriate them to their selfish end, leaving very little for the business of local governance.
Certainly, these undemocratic acts, which borders on criminality, do not urgur well for democracy, especially in a populous and diverse society like ours. Nigeria is said to be the most populous African state, the world?s fifth largest federation, and one of the world?s most ethnically diverse nation, being made up of over 250 ethno-linguistic groups. For democracy to achieve its true meaning, therefore, the formal democratic system and the rule of law must be allowed to gain supremacy over the current unruly state of affairs. In this regards, conscious efforts must be made by politicians to play according to the rules. Efforts that would strengthen the relative power of the legislative and judicial branches against the executive branches are also essential. In fact, as a political expert observed, strengthening formal institutional arrangements that encourage and force political elites to view the public interest as a personal political priority, particularly through credible elections, transparency, and accountability mechanisms, will go a long way in smoothening our democratic journey. Of great importance also is the development of viable political opposition. Those in power always view the opposition as antagonists. But the fact remains that political opposition provides elites with necessary alternatives to pursue their ambitions. And, at times, the opposition is more interested in providing the public with responsive policy alternatives, especially when the ruling party has lost its initiatives.
So, the opposition must be given a fair chance, as fairness and justice is a veritable pillar in democratic governance. The public needs to feel that those at the helm are people that can guarantee fairness and justice; they should be made to have faith in the system so much that they could easily have recourse to democratic institutions to express their demands or resolve their grievances. Since people in the rural areas constitute the larger percentage of the population, providing more financial autonomy to local governments by having them receive their funding directly from the Federation Account rather than routing it through the states will minimize the extent to which the funds are tampered with.
In view of the challenges faced in the efforts to transform the array of competing ethnic, regional and religious groups into stakeholders, the issue of zoning must be taken seriously. For, even though the arrangement, which is defined as a mechanism of sequentially rotating offices across Nigeria?s six geographical areas, is not in the Nigerian constitution, it has proven historically to be a legitimate solution to the monopolization of power by a particular zone or group and the resultant complaints of maginalisation.
Indeed, politics in a diverse society such as ours can only thrive on concession and sacrifices in which everyone is carried along. This fact must not be thrown away if we really want to get to the Promise Land as a one united entity. It is a bumpy ride, but with the right attitude and action, we will definitely get there.
Written by SUMAILA UMAISHA and published in the 29th May, 2011 edition of New Nigerian newspaper.
- Bad Roads: Bassa Community Cries Out To Kogi Gov
One of the broken bridges Infrastructural development is central to every other aspect of development. For a nation to make any meaningful progress, either politically, economically or otherwise, infrastructure such as road and electricity must be available...
- Arming The Media Against Human Trafficking ...the Unodc, Ilo And Iom Initiative
Two centuries after the abolition of slave trade, in which over 10 million Africans were sold to Europe and the Americas like beasts of burden, Nigeria is still losing thousands of her citizens to the illicit and dehumanizing trade in form of human...
- Praxis Brings Ibb, Obj, Buhari Together
Public presentation of the book Praxis of Political Concepts and Clichés in Nigeria?s Fourth Republic (Essays in Honour of Dr Mu?azu Babangida Aliyu, last Thursday in Abuja turned out to be a unifying platform for three former heads of state hitherto...
- Is This The Goodluck We Need?
After the headline-grabbing moves that culminated in empowering Dr. Goodluck Ebele Jonathan as Acting President and Commander-in-Chief of the Nigerian Armed Forces, the dust is now settling. And as it settles, Nigerians are silently watching to see if...
- Poverty In The North: Fact Or Fiction?
Recently, Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, Professor Chukwuma Soludo, made a statement to the effect that the northern part of the country is in a state of serious poverty and requires urgent economic measures to stem the tide. Well-meaning...
Literature
Bumpy ride to true democratic governance
Today marks another milestone in Nigeria?s bumpy democratic journey as Goodluck Jonathan is being inaugurated at the Eagle Square, Abuja, as the country?s president for the next four years. The occasion is one of the grandest celebrations in recent times with about 40 heads of state and government in attendance. The activities organized for the event, which include traditional dances, callisthenic displays, arts exhibition and lectures are said to have cost a whopping sum of N500 million.
One of the lectures, with the theme, ?Consolidating Democracy for National Transformation,? aptly captures the spirit of the time. The event is indeed more than just a celebration of Jonathan?s beginning of a four-year tenure. It is a celebration of democracy, a commemoration of a people?s hope for a better tomorrow. It is also a time to reflect on the gains and pains of the past 50 years of nationhood.
It would be recalled that in 1960 when Nigeria gained her independence from the British colonial rule, it was the third most populous English speaking democratic nation in the world ? after India and the United States. She was also regarded globally as one of the most viable African states, and a hope for democracy on the African continent. But, unfortunately, the first steps of the journey were characterised by ethnic and regional acrimony, which culminated into perennial conflicts. Consequently, the military struck on January 15, 1966, thereby halting the nascent democracy. This was followed by the unfortunate civil war that claimed nearly two million lives. Another democratic exercise, which began in 1979, was in the same vein killed by a military coup on 31st December, 1983. Then, on May 29, 1999, the military again handed over power to a democratically elected government.
If one considers the fact that during the 33-year period from 1966 until the fourth republic came into being in 1999, civilians governed for only four years, one cannot but agree that the journey this time around is not too bad. Of course, the past epileptic democratic experience has created enormous challenges to institutionalizing real democracy in this fourth republic, but the gains we?ve recorded so far are undeniable. There has been relative improvement in the human rights situation, such as freedom of the press and civil society advocates. The National Assembly and the judiciary are also beginning to play more active roles and becoming more effective in asserting their constitutional prerogatives. This could be seen in the way the Supreme Court and the Federal Courts of Appeal courageously ruled against some incumbent governors who rigged themselves into office and restored the seats to the rightful winners of the elections. The May 2006 defeat by the National Assembly of the third term initiative of former President Olusegun Obasajo was equally a strong statement on the growing boldness of the legislative arm to exert its power.
On the economic scene, the country?s international financial reputation has significantly improved as a result of its agreement with the Paris Club. In exchange for a payment of $12.4 billion, the Paris Club countries agreed to forgive the $18 million remainder of the $30 billion debt owed by Nigeria. And upon completion of its payment in April 2006, the country became completely free from the notorious Paris Club debt. The country still owes about $5 billion to other lenders, including the World Bank and the private sector, but the clearing of the Paris Club debt has resulted in her being taken off the international credit blacklist and is able to borrow on favourable terms again.
Another notable democratic gain we?ve had since 1999 include the introduction of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) in 2003. Though widely accused of being used by Obasanjo to settle political scores, the first chairman of the commission, Malam Nuhu Ribadu, did move the anti-corruption agenda forward, forcing dormant agencies like the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) and the Code of Conduct Bureau to reform in order to be relevant. The arrest of personalities like the Inspector General of Police and the impeached governor of Bayelsa State in 2005, and the recovery of over $5 billion and conviction of 82 persons over a period of just two years gave the commission some level of credibility in spite of the allegations of selective justice. The commission, now under the leadership of Mrs. Farida Waziri, is still trying its best to rid the country of corruption.
In view of these and other achievements, one could say Nigeria has made some important strides. However, some of the prevailing realities also point to the fact that these strides could be hampered or even reversed if appropriate actions are not taken. The ugly realities include the persistent ethnic and religious grievances largely fired by elite manipulation, poverty amid massive oil revenues, corruption and growing public frustration over the lack of democracy dividends like employment, health care, power, water and education.
According to political analysts, authoritarian rule by an institutionalized oligarchy constitutes the main structural obstacle to deepening democratic rule in Nigeria. This exclusive rule by a few is said to be founded on two reinforcing structural factors: total economic dependence on the redistribution of petroleum and gas revenues, and the centralization of financial and political power in the office of the president. In other words, the formal and informal powers converge on the office of the president who largely monopolizes oil revenues to reward and cement his political networks. Like the president, the state governors also utilize their influence in directing the flow of federal resources, with most of them running their states like private fiefdoms.
At times the system is worse than oligarchy because it is not only a rule by a few individuals, but the few who are always struggling to perpetuate themselves in power without regard to due democratic process, thereby undermining popular democracy, the rule of law, federalism, devolution of powers, and good governance. The need to hold or have access to the presidency becomes a do or die affair in which all forms of manipulation are deployed to meet the selfish end.
Related to this is the wanton abuse of power by the so-called democratic leaders. A glaring example is Obasanjo?s response to complaints that his personal control of the Ministry of Petroleum Resources as the president was undemocratic and illegal. Hear him: ?It is therefore within my constitutional powers to choose not to establish the office of the Minister of Petroleum Resources and directly exercise executive control over petroleum matters. It is immaterial that the office of Minister of Petroleum Resources is provided for in the Petroleum Act as the provisions of the Constitution take precedence over that of an existing law in the event of a conflict.?
Everyone knew that the conflict he was referring to existed only in his imagination, a mere pretext to cover the actual selfish intent. President Jonathan also exhibited the same tendency as soon as he became Acting President following the ill-health of late Umaru Musa Ya?Adua. He directed the Ministry of Finance to transfer N19 billion intervention funds for the dredging of the River Niger to the Ministry of Niger Delta for shoreline protection and land reclamation. And in response to questions by the press, his media aide simply said, ?These areas have to be well protected and land adequately reclaimed, then we can now go into the area of dredging...?
Why was such measure not suggested to Yar?Adua when the decision on the dredging of the river was being taken?
It all boils down to the fact that there?s too much power at the disposal of the presidency and every president tends to use it excessively. According to political observers, such arbitrary and undemocratic actions, including insensitivity to the plight of the masses, have created a yawning gap between the rulers and the ruled, leading to a general dissatisfaction and cynicism regarding governance.
As manifested in the recent post-election violence in some parts of the North, there are also growing sentiments of injustice fueled by attempts by the political class to manipulate themselves into political positions or capitalize on ethno-religious rivalries to achieve their goals. This has become a very serious problem in our quest for democracy. Stressing this point, the Executive Director of the Centre for Peace Building and Socio-Economic Resources Development, Ayokunle Fagbemi, who said some 10,000 people had died in Nigeria since the return of democratic rule in 1999, observed that ?These acts of violence clearly and adversely affect the image of our nation and also undermine its corporate existence as well as the consolidation of our emergent democracy.?
Added to these political problems arising from undemocratic behaviours of the ruling clique is corruption, which has become the order of the day in spite of efforts by ant-corruption agencies like the EFCC and ICPC. In fact, the endemic corruption is said to be rooted in the nature of our politics, where political elites misappropriate considerable amount of public funds for their personal gain with impunity, while the masses wallow in abject poverty.
If the wealth of the nation were equitably distributed Nigerians would have been fairly comfortable and the World Bank wouldn?t have ranked us among the world?s poorest countries, with the vast majority of the population living on less than $2 per day. This is because, according to records, as at 2006, Nigeria had taken in over $400 billion in oil revenues since the early 1970s, with an estimated $45 billion in oil export receipts for 2005 alone. Today, the country?s crude oil reserves is the tenth largest in the world, with oil and natural gas revenues alone accounting for 95 percent of state revenue, over 40 percent of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP), and 96 percent of the value of exports.
Unfortunately, this huge wealth end up in the pockets of a select few at the corridors power, who become extraordinarily rich while about three-quarters of the Nigerian population go hungry for the basic necessities of life. According to statistics, poverty has increased since the late 1990s. Over 70 per cent of Nigerians are classified as poor, and 35 per cent of them live in absolute poverty. The poverty is said to be especially severe in rural areas, where up to 80 per cent of the population live below the poverty line and social services and infrastructure are limited.
It is sad to note that some of the corrupt practices are institutionalized and given legal backing; such as the jumbo pay of the National Assembly members where a member earns an average of one million naira a day in salary and allowances. Another glaring instance of a legally backed wasteful spending is the celebration of the 50th independence anniversary with a whopping sum of N10 billion. A breakdown of the N10 billion include N950 million for the anniversary parade involving march past, fleet review and aerial display, N350 million naira on national unity torch and tour, N40 million on a presidential banquet, N50 million for calisthenics performance, N310m for cultural, historical and military exhibitions while N40 million went for what the government called ?Food Week.? Another N450 million naira was used to finance the production of branded souvenir, gift items for foreign heads of state and personalities and the placing of a large coat of arms on Aso Rock.
As a result of this financial recklessness, the country?s excess crude account which stood at $20 billion in January 2009 has as at 2010 been depleted to a paltry $3.2 billion, representing a rate of withdrawal of some $1.12 billion per month.
Meanwhile the allocation of resources to the local governments where the masses actually reside is carried out in a way that only a small amount actually get to the rightful destination. Due to the fact that the main source of revenue for local governments comes from the Federation Account, with state government contributing an additional 10 percent, the governors control the local governments through their discretion over the flow of funding. Instead of disbursing the quarter of the Federation Account revenues usually earmarked for the 774 local governments nationwide through the governors? office, some governors often withhold these funds or deducted them for dubious development projects. And when the remaining meager amount finally arrives at the local government councils, some chairmen and their council members and local bureaucrats, misappropriate them to their selfish end, leaving very little for the business of local governance.
Certainly, these undemocratic acts, which borders on criminality, do not urgur well for democracy, especially in a populous and diverse society like ours. Nigeria is said to be the most populous African state, the world?s fifth largest federation, and one of the world?s most ethnically diverse nation, being made up of over 250 ethno-linguistic groups. For democracy to achieve its true meaning, therefore, the formal democratic system and the rule of law must be allowed to gain supremacy over the current unruly state of affairs. In this regards, conscious efforts must be made by politicians to play according to the rules. Efforts that would strengthen the relative power of the legislative and judicial branches against the executive branches are also essential. In fact, as a political expert observed, strengthening formal institutional arrangements that encourage and force political elites to view the public interest as a personal political priority, particularly through credible elections, transparency, and accountability mechanisms, will go a long way in smoothening our democratic journey. Of great importance also is the development of viable political opposition. Those in power always view the opposition as antagonists. But the fact remains that political opposition provides elites with necessary alternatives to pursue their ambitions. And, at times, the opposition is more interested in providing the public with responsive policy alternatives, especially when the ruling party has lost its initiatives.
So, the opposition must be given a fair chance, as fairness and justice is a veritable pillar in democratic governance. The public needs to feel that those at the helm are people that can guarantee fairness and justice; they should be made to have faith in the system so much that they could easily have recourse to democratic institutions to express their demands or resolve their grievances. Since people in the rural areas constitute the larger percentage of the population, providing more financial autonomy to local governments by having them receive their funding directly from the Federation Account rather than routing it through the states will minimize the extent to which the funds are tampered with.
In view of the challenges faced in the efforts to transform the array of competing ethnic, regional and religious groups into stakeholders, the issue of zoning must be taken seriously. For, even though the arrangement, which is defined as a mechanism of sequentially rotating offices across Nigeria?s six geographical areas, is not in the Nigerian constitution, it has proven historically to be a legitimate solution to the monopolization of power by a particular zone or group and the resultant complaints of maginalisation.
Indeed, politics in a diverse society such as ours can only thrive on concession and sacrifices in which everyone is carried along. This fact must not be thrown away if we really want to get to the Promise Land as a one united entity. It is a bumpy ride, but with the right attitude and action, we will definitely get there.
Written by SUMAILA UMAISHA and published in the 29th May, 2011 edition of New Nigerian newspaper.
- Bad Roads: Bassa Community Cries Out To Kogi Gov
One of the broken bridges Infrastructural development is central to every other aspect of development. For a nation to make any meaningful progress, either politically, economically or otherwise, infrastructure such as road and electricity must be available...
- Arming The Media Against Human Trafficking ...the Unodc, Ilo And Iom Initiative
Two centuries after the abolition of slave trade, in which over 10 million Africans were sold to Europe and the Americas like beasts of burden, Nigeria is still losing thousands of her citizens to the illicit and dehumanizing trade in form of human...
- Praxis Brings Ibb, Obj, Buhari Together
Public presentation of the book Praxis of Political Concepts and Clichés in Nigeria?s Fourth Republic (Essays in Honour of Dr Mu?azu Babangida Aliyu, last Thursday in Abuja turned out to be a unifying platform for three former heads of state hitherto...
- Is This The Goodluck We Need?
After the headline-grabbing moves that culminated in empowering Dr. Goodluck Ebele Jonathan as Acting President and Commander-in-Chief of the Nigerian Armed Forces, the dust is now settling. And as it settles, Nigerians are silently watching to see if...
- Poverty In The North: Fact Or Fiction?
Recently, Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, Professor Chukwuma Soludo, made a statement to the effect that the northern part of the country is in a state of serious poverty and requires urgent economic measures to stem the tide. Well-meaning...